Inadequate recording procedures, selective sampling and implicit assumptions have tarnished our interpretations.   Ethnographic correlations to ritual use of ochre are necessary, but are often done without proper testing of intentional use in the archaeological record.  Unfortunately ochre as an artefact only takes precedence when associated with the time of the so-called “cultural explosion”, approximately 35,000 years ago, when AMH’s moved into Europe.  By applying the Baldwinian perspective to ochre use, AMH’s use of this mineral could have been a consequence of its use by earlier forms of humans in the Middle Stone Age.

Baldwinian Perspective (Deacon 1997:323)

Marshack (1981) has found microscopic evidence of ochre on Upper Palaeolithic bone and stone artefacts.  It seems that the symbolic uses of ochre and colour were early, widespread, and probably variable, occurring in a range of symbolic and non-symbolic contexts.  Also, Wrechner (1980) argues that colour could have been used in contexts relating the colour red to life, death, and blood. However, when creating theories on symbolism Marshack (1981:189) warns us that,

“…early symbolic modes, whether they involved the use of colour or engraving and carving, cannot be subsumed under any prior theoretical concept as to their meaning.  Our concern should rather be for the range of such usage” and “The intentional carving of symbolic artefact and its intentional colouring represent different modes of symbolic usage…”   “It would be hazardous to state that the ochre represented blood, life, or status.”

There cannot be a preconceived general rule for the possible meaning or intent (Marshack 1981:191).  These are modes of use, not restricted cultural systems with a universal semantic (Marshack 1981:191).  But, Volman (1984) believes that “beyond the fact that hematite was ground, little is known about its uses or preparation. 

Ochre Mining

In South Africa lateric soils are less developed than in tropical Africa and ochre is less readily available and deliberate mining for haematite, specularite and manganese has been documented (McBrearty & Brooks 2000:526).    There is evidence for a continuous, significant need for ochre although it could have had different meanings and uses across space and time.  According to Peter Beaumont, ochre mining took place at Wonderwerk Cave in South Africa (c. 350,000 to 400,000 BP) and Terra Amata, France, dated to around 300,000 years ago (Rudgley 1999:176).  Furthermore, red ochre seemed to have been removed in large quantities at the 250,000 year-old Acheulian rockshelter site of Becov in Czechoslavakia (ibid).  Large-scale mining for haematite in the MSA is reported from Lion Cavern, Swaziland (McBrearty & Brooks 2000, Shreeve 1996).  Ethnographically women seem to have played a major role in the quarrying of earth pigments and the pigment procurement seems to have been a primarily female activity (Watts 1999a:133-134).

Trade

Social Landscapes postdating circa 50,000 years ago, according to Gamble’s (1996) model, are indicated by evidence of raw material transfers regularly exceeding 500 kilometres.  If these models were to be applied to southern Africa, the parameters would have to be changed because while the southern African MSA procurement networks appear to be small scale in comparison to the European Upper Palaeolithic record, “it is the appearance of exotic pigments and shell, combined with the vast regional scale at which early and Middle-Upper Pleistocene techno-typological changes have been identified, which distinguishes the southern African MSA from the Mousterian with respect to regional organisation” (Watts 1999a:120). 

This material is of great value ethnographically and much effort seems to be spent in mining it for use as signifier, although the meaning of its use differs from culture to culture and between sexes (Power 1999:101-107).   It is possible that ochre might have been used between different groups as exchange gifts, a means of bonding friendship between women or the preparation of a bride.  The red colour typically advertises imminent fertility of the initiate, but the cosmetics also provide mechanisms for marking reciprocal relations and obligations among the women (Power 1999:93).

Curation of Hide

The MSA2b has been described as another “explosion”, similar to that of the Middle to Upper Palaeolithic transition (Knight, Power & Watts 1995:89).  This is an explanation for increased use of ochre and the assumed sudden desire or need to utilize a pre-existing knowledge of how to extend the life of cloaks and coverings (ibid).  One would expect the need for more covering in colder periods with higher ochre frequencies, but there is no general MSA correlation with climate changes, although MSA2b does have some correlation with cooling (ibid).  Due to not being a strong explanation for ochre use, archaeologists fall back to “invisible archaeology” in the form of body painting. 

Mithen (1999) is not convinced that Lower and Middle Palaeolithic symbolic artefacts are really symbolic and suggests a methodologically rigorous microscopic study of these artefacts, but he does not go further to propose a method. 

Colour as Symbol

Many anthropologists have studied colour towards academic ends, chiefly those having to do with language, and colour blindness (Stephenson 1973:379).  Stephenson (1973) puts forward the hypothesis that the evolutionary stage ordering of basic colour terms “may not only constitute a substantive set of semantic universals, but may also reflect the order in which the ability to discriminate colours was gained by primates” (Stephenson 1973:381).    Responses to red are deeply embedded in neural systems; apes as well as humans have clear preference to the colour red (Bednarik: http://www.semioticon.com/frontline/bednarik.htm).  This would suggest the existence of incipient neural structures that would make it possible to recognise the relationship between signifier and the signified in a more systematic pattern (ibid).

Of the recorded colours of intensively utilised pieces of ochre found at South African sites it was found that “MSA people were clearly selecting the most saturated shades of red” (Watts 1999a:127) and goes on to say that the “preoccupation with redness clearly indicates that ochre was primarily used for visual signaling” (Watts 1999a:128, Wreschner 1980:635).  These results are consistent with and lend support to the findings of cognitive anthropology that red is the first colour to be linguistically encoded (ibid).  Moreover,  the process of transforming yellow limonite, by firing, to red (Wreschner 1980:632) may suggest a special learned knowledge, passed on only to “shamans”, viewed by the rest of the group as magic.

Should a theory of universal colour perception and discrimination be established for hominids, it might be possible to set up a neuropsychological model similar to that proposed by Lewis-Williams & Dowson (1990), to provide an explanation for the reoccurrence of red ochre and the possibility of deliberate change of iron-oxides to a preferred red colour (Wreschner 1980:631).  Evidence of deliberate heat treatment for colour change, after testing for accidental change, would be a guide to such a model.

Ochre as Sexual Deception

According to Darwinian signal-evolution theory, animals evolve conspicuous signals in order to exploit other animals (Knight & Power 1995).  Knight & Power (1995) believe that hominids could have used ochre as a way of countering mate-desertion by painting themselves with blood-red colours to confuse menstrual signals through “sham menstruation” to ensure males invest more in their partners and offspring. One could argue that it might not only have been females using ochre or that there is no reason to suggest that a philandering male seeks a fertile female.  Boyd, Pettitt & White (1995) react to this by arguing that:

Ochre can form naturally in caves, and is subject to the complicated depositional histories characteristic of such sites. These are at best deflated lag deposits - that is, deposits where light surrounding material such as sand has been blown away, leaving behind the heavier material such as ochre - containing occupational palimpsests separated by vast spans of time.  We are deeply concerned that the authors cite modern and historical evidence to suggest a `cultural continuity' stretching back more than 100,000 years! Such direct use of ethnographic data has long been discredited, not only in archaeology but also in the wider social sciences. If we can really project ethno-historic information back to the Upper Pleistocene, then it would appear that the role of the archaeologist in reconstructing behaviour from material remains is obsolete.

The above may be true, but poor excavation methods have not allowed for time depth to be considered in the past.

Ochre as sunscreen, insect repellent and odour neutraliser

These kinds of protection may have been imperative as part of a hunting strategy for all Palaeolithic peoples.  Ochre is known to have deodorising properties (Velo 1984:674), which may have been used to neutralise their body odour so that they were less likely to be noticed by the animals being hunted.  If they used ochre as sunscreen (Rudgley 1999:177) they would be able to stay out hunting in the midday sun when potential prey might be resting, while insects would be kept at bay to allow full concentration on the hunt.  Although seemingly utilitarian, these behaviours may have become a ritualistic preparation for a hunt, a signal that hunting was about to begin or a display of the importance of their contribution to their group.

Ochre as Medicine

Velo (1984) provides an alternative explanation for ochre in the archaeological record, backed with ethnographical examples to divert from symbolic and artistic potential.  It has been found that iron compounds have healing properties and have been seen used for this purpose in Australian Aboriginal groups as a medicine.  Iron salts have a powerful astringent effect and tend to arrest hemorrhage and work as an antiseptic (Velo 1984:674).  Chewed ochre would either be directly applied to a wound or in the case of internal pain; the patient would be covered with ochre and placed in the midday sun to provoke sweating (ibid).

It is possible that the painting of a body by the “shaman” might be used symbolically to provide strength to the patient.  This may explain why some skeletons found in Neanderthal and Modern Human contexts are covered profusely in ochre, possibly a final attempt at saving the person’s life. 

Treatment of the Dead

Until the discovery of the Mousterian graves at La Ferrassie few people believed Neanderthals were “human” enough to carry this trait (Shackley 1980:85).  Shackley (1980) goes into great detail about the morphology of skeletons and material culture that was found in the Neanderthal burials but very little mention of ochre.  Shackley (1980) associates red ochre as an early blood-symbol, and only states that it is commonly found in prehistoric burials.  Unfortunately classification and dating of remains have been treated as more important and selective archaeological recording has taken place, often ignoring ochre on bones.

The association of hearths with Neanderthal burials is made and interpreted as part of a ritual element or remains of a funeral feast fire (Shackley 1980:103-104), but this could also have been used to heat treat iron-oxide to increase its “redness” to include as burial goods or powder to cover the corpse.  Red stained objects are often found associated with ochred human skeletal remains (Wreschner 1980:631) but this should be tested for intentional or accidental staining.