The House of Lords: reform

 

 

Briefing on the White Paper and options for reform:

February/March 2007

 

 

The Campaign for a Democratic Upper House (CDUH) is a group of Labour Parliamentarians and activists who support a second chamber at least half of which is elected.

 

We welcome the White Paper and the important change it represents in the thinking of the Government on this issue, led by the Leader of the House, Jack Straw, and supported by the Prime Minister. The forthcoming votes represent the best opportunity for a generation to complete what should be a crowning constitutional reform by the Government. An important step was taken in 1999 with the removal of the majority of the hereditary peers, but a lasting reform remains unfinished business.

 

We believe that any reform in the 21st century must be rooted in democracy. In a free society, legitimate political authority is based on consent. Legitimacy is based upon democracy, and democracy works through elections. There is no substitute for enabling ordinary voters to choose their representatives, and subjecting those representatives to democratic accountability. 

 

A more democratic second chamber will both strengthen and modernise Parliament. As the White Paper makes clear, all of the reform options proposed are based on the fundamental principle of the primacy of the House of Commons (see Annex for detailed arguments). 

 

The votes on composition

 

The White Paper includes an Executive Summary of the proposals as a whole. There is also a helpful “Key Proposals” document on Jack Straw’s website at www.commonsleader.gov

 

 

 

 

 

The options likely to be proposed on composition are:

           

100% elected

            80% elected, 20% appointed

60% elected, 40% appointed

50% elected, 50% appointed

40% elected, 60% appointed

20% elected, 80% appointed

100% nominated.

 

Elections would be staggered, with a third of the elected element being introduced at each election. In each of the options involving appointment, 20% of the House would be Crossbenchers. The transition would be gradual, and none of the current life peers would be forced to leave the House. The right of hereditary peers to sit in the House would end.

 

The CDUH position on composition can be summarised as follows:

 

  1. We believe that the current position is unsustainable.

 

  1. We want to see a wholly or largely elected second chamber, with the highest proportion of elected members that can command consensus.

 

  1. The best should not be allowed to be the enemy of the good. 

 

On that basis, we urge MPs and peers to vote not just for their preferred option but also for both the largest democratic element they can support (including those above their preferred option), and all other democratic options (including those falling below their preferred option).

 

Only in that way will support for a democratic second chamber be maximised. There is a majority in the Commons for reform, but it has to be concentrated to win.

 

We urge all supporters of democratic options to ensure they are present for all of the votes on Wednesday 7th March 2007 (5pm onwards).

 

Support for democracy

 

We believe that there is a majority in the Commons for reform. All the main parties fought the last election committed to reform. A democratic second chamber was only narrowly defeated when the previous set of divisions took place on 4th February 2003:

 

 

 

 

 

Opinion has moved on since those votes.  Jack Straw and Tony Blair now support a partially-elected second chamber, and a large number of Ministers are expected to support reform.

 

The public have made their position clear in successive opinion polls.  In the most recent, for the Hansard Society, 82% of the public wanted the House of Lords to contain at least some elected Members.  Of these, 42% supported a wholly elected second chamber, and 40% supported a mixture of appointed and elected members.  Only 6% supported a wholly appointed House.

 

In 2005, an ERS/ICM poll conducted on behalf of the Elect the Lords campaign found that 62% would support an 80% elected second chamber, while the JRRT/ICM “State of the Nation” poll in October 2006 found that 65% wanted a majority or wholly elected second chamber.

 

Conclusion

 

The Campaign urges Labour MPs to take this opportunity to make an historic democratic reform, which will be remembered for generations to come.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Further information from:

 

Damien Welfare, Co-ordinator, Campaign for a Democratic Upper House, 07947 616821

 

You can email us on: democratic_upper_house@hotmail.com

 

For more briefing and news on the issue see the Elect the Lords website: www.electthelords.org.uk

 

 

                                                               

 

We are a group of Labour Parliamentarians and activists who support a second chamber at least half of which is elected. Formed in 2000, we took an active part in the last votes in 2003 and in responding to earlier consultation proposals. Our supporters as individuals back options from 50%+ to 100% elected, but understand the vital importance of compromise to achieve change on this issue.


Annex - Key arguments

 

Primacy of the House of Commons (see White Paper, pages 25-27)

 

Those advocating reform of the Lords agree that the primacy of the House of Commons is essential. Its primacy rests first on its role:

 

-         The Commons forms the Government of the day and sustains it, if necessary by vote of confidence. The main Ministers sit in, and answer to, the Commons

 

-         The Commons  controls the supply of money to Government

 

-         The Commons has the final say on legislation, through the Parliament Acts

 

The Commons’ role translates into the greater powers of the Commons to secure its measures, if necessary after a delay, and to have sole authority over Money Bills and public expenditure. This will remain the case if the Lords are reformed.

 

In any bicameral system, the balance between two Houses is essentially a matter of choice as to how their respective roles, and the powers which flow from those roles, are defined. These can be laid down in legislation, assisted by conventions which can develop or be adapted within these overall statutory rules. The House of Lords has a complementary role to that of the Commons, of revising legislation and scrutinising the Executive. This would not change.

 

Its members would be elected to a different and secondary House, with a lesser role than the Commons and powers which reflected this relationship. Under the proposals, Members of the Upper House would lack the legitimacy of a constituency role. Under proportional voting, no party could expect an overall majority. Members would be elected on different dates from the Commons, and would be prevented from becoming MPs for a number of years after leaving the House. The long terms proposed (15 years) and rolling basis of election would mean that the House as a whole would not have a fresh mandate. In a mixed elected/appointed House, moreover, the presence of an appointed element (especially on the Crossbenches) would further reinforce the secondary status of the House.

 

International comparisons  (see White Paper, pages 22-24)

 

As the White Paper points out, from figures compiled by the Inter-Parliamentary Union, larger countries in population terms overwhelmingly have bicameral Parliaments. Of these, most are wholly or largely elected, the main exceptions being Commonwealth countries which have inherited their Parliamentary structures from the UK.

 

The only other wholly appointed second chamber in a major democracy is the Canadian Senate which is based on the UK House of Lords. In September 2006, the Prime Minister, Stephen Harper, announced immediate plans to limit terms of office in the Senate to 8 years and in the longer term to introduce elections to the second chamber.

 

 

 



[1] Three known supporters of an 80% elected House did not vote.