If it walks like imperialism and quacks like imperialism …

Many of those who oppose war in Afghanistan do so for good reasons, running something like this. The war will not stop terrorism like the attack on the World Trade Center. On the contrary, it will increase the sense of injustice and desperation that probably provoked the attack. Afghanistan had nothing to do with the attacks: the hijackers were (apparently) well-educated, well-to-do Saudis and Egyptians, citizens of two of the US’s closest allies. There might have been alternatives: the Afghan government offered to extradite Osama Bin Laden to Pakistan without evidence (claiming to have his agreement). Retaliation is not a legitimate reason for war. The Taliban were a repressive regime but the situation now is worse. And so on. I agree with these reasons. I use them myself all the time. However, they are all arguments against the official reason for the war, that it is a ``war on terrorism’’ and a war against an offensive government. As such, they are weak arguments because the official reason is not the real reason.

The real reason is that, with US capitalism in crisis (and I don’t mean Enron, I mean the perfectly “legal” business) the US ruling elite needs to strengthen its control of the energy resources of the world. That control is the handle of the world economy – whosoever’s hand is on it, wields the greatest power. (A serious misunderstanding of this is exemplified by the argument that it is the US’s domestic consumption of petroleum that makes the Middle East a strategically important region for the US. Thus the common call for the development of renewable energy sources as a solution to Middle East problems! It isn’t oil for its cars that the US wants, but the control of the production and market.) Afghanistan is important because it is the only route via which oil and natural gas can be piped to the vast markets of China and Pakistan whilst keeping it out of Russian control.  It was also a strategically important gap in the distribution of US military bases in the region.

Many people seem unwilling and unable to see this imperialist agenda behind the war in Afghanistan and the ongoing threat of military action against ``40 or 50’’ other countries in the world. It is certainly a difficult thing to accept, that we are slaughtering defenceless, poverty stricken men women and children in the pursuit of profit. But the question is not whether it is upsetting but whether it is true. We can ask, ``What would we see if it were true? What would imperialism look like? How would an imperialist power behave and how would it try to disguise its activities?’’

 So let’s imagine. Suppose the US were an imperialist power of awesome military capability, the most powerful in the world by far. In our imaginations it is so powerful it can crush any country it wishes. It is so powerful that it can refuse to abide by international treaties it has signed and international laws it has agreed to and there is nothing any other country can do about it. It can bomb whenever and wherever it likes, and even says so. It can ignore World Court rulings that say that it supported terrorism. It can veto United Nations Security Council and General Assembly resolutions it doesn’t like, holding the record for vetoes by far. There is one thing that it fears however and that is opposition by its own people – that is the only thing that can prevent it doing exactly what it likes. So it is of vital importance what the US population knows or thinks about the actions of its government.

Now, let’s imagine that a region of the world has been identified as second only to the Persian Gulf as a source of oil and natural gas and therefore of enormous strategic importance. There’s a potential problem: how to extract the resources and get them to parts of the world that will buy them, keeping the control in US hands? The only way is to pipe it across an impoverished war-torn country, Afghanistan, destroyed by decades of brutal Cold Warfare and billions of dollars of US funding for terrorists. For several years, the US has been negotiating with the government of Afghanistan to build the pipeline but this government doesn’t control enough of the country to guarantee the safety of the pipe. It becomes necessary to invade and take direct control. They can’t say this directly because most people wouldn’t support a war for such reasons. So our imaginary imperial power needs an excuse for its people at home (the only people it fears) and uses the well worn one of a ``war on terrorism’’. With this, and with the help of a cowardly and subservient journalist/academic/intellectual corps, it keeps its people under tight paranoid control while it bombs and bombs and bombs, scattering cluster bombs far and wide, leaving towns and villages littered with the dismembered limbs of children, leaving children so traumatized at seeing so much violent death and destruction that they cannot speak or walk, sealing the borders and blocking aid, creating millions of refugees, condemning hundreds of thousands of people including pregnant women to exposure and starvation in the bitter winter. It establishes its military bases throughout in the entire region, circling around the borders of potential rivals, Russia and China. It sends out a constant and hysterical stream of propaganda about how it is fighting terrorism whilst raining down terrifying bombs from a mile in the sky. It employs local mercenaries to kill and terrorise on the ground where necessary: they can be dispensed with at will later if they become a nuisance. When it is safe to do so, it sends in the invasion force and establishes its vast military bases.

Now, compare our fantasy with the real world. Where’s the difference? Wake up to imperialism in the 21st Century.

This war is being waged against the people of Afghanistan, to take from them what is theirs: the control of their own country. I oppose it because of that.

12/2/2002


``Civilian’’ vs ``Military’’ Targets

 

Even those of us opposed to the US/UK war on Afghanistan (soon to be expanded to other parts of the world) fall into the trap of focusing on the suffering caused to ``innocent civilians.’’ However, when war is pursued for unjust and immoral ends (oppression, invasion, occupation, subjugation, imperialism, even retaliation), EVERYTHING attacked by the aggressor is an illegitimate target, including ``military’’ ones (setting aside for the moment the question of what is a military target – see below).  The war unleashed on Afghanistan by the most powerful and brutal military force ever constructed is being pursued for the purpose of extending US control of the world’s energy resources, an imperialist agenda. As such, the victims who happen to be soldiers are no less ``innocent’’ than the children who are buried in the rubble of a thousand bomb craters. It is only when assessing the morality of the actions of those under attack that the distinction between civilian and military is important and is not therefore relevant to discussion of the present war. It might be claimed that for the aggressor to attack unarmed civilians is even more wrong than attacking armed combatants, and in some cases that might be relevant. But the might of the US War Machine is so overwhelming in comparison to any other army (let alone that in impoverished Afghanistan) that such distinctions can hardly be made here or anywhere else in the world today.  When you drop daisy cutters from thousands of feet or fire Cruise missiles from hundreds of miles away it doesn’t matter whether the people underneath are holding rifles or not – they die just as quickly.

 

By falling into the terminology, referring to people as ``innocent civilians’’ or ``civilians’’, we give the distinction credibility. There are no legitimate targets in an illegitimate war.

 

``To initiate a war of aggression, therefore, is not only an international crime; it is the supreme international crime differing only from other war crimes in that it contains within itself the accumulated evil of the whole."

Nuremberg Judgment, 30th September 1946

 

12/2/2002


What is a ``Military Target’’?

Having dismissed the distinction between military and civilian targets in Afghanistan as spurious in principle, it is nevertheless instructive to study what it is that the US/UK governments consider to be military targets. These are the targets that the US/UK admits to attacking, or which are destroyed systematically. General targets include roads, bridges, power generating facilities, communications facilities, airports, broadcasting facilities (radio, television), government buildings of any kind, United Nations offices and Red Cross warehouses. Particular targets include Mullar Omar (as ``spiritual leader of the Taliban’’), his family and his neighbours (since his residence was a target). All of this means that the distinction between military and civilian does not exist in practice either. If these are military targets then so would be the Houses of Parliament, MPs’ homes, Labour Party headquarters, civil servants, the Archbishop of Canterbury and Lambeth Palace, the BBC…….etc.

Of course there are some targets that are destroyed so routinely now that we don’t even bat an eyelid or question whether they are legitimate but which cause more suffering and death than the rest put together. These are the power plants. When there’s no electricity, water pumps fail. When there’s no clean water, babies and children die, slowly and painfully, by the thousands, as the people of Iraq know too well.   

12/2/2002


 

Avoiding civilian casualties?

 

Bearing in mind, again, that the distinction between military and civilian targets is not relevant in discussing victims of US/UK aggression in Afghanistan, we can still ask whether there is any evidence to support the claim that the US/UK do their utmost to avoid civilian casualties. Of course the US/UK spokespersons (from US military personnel to Tony Blair) say they do, but that is hardly evidence. Are there any facts that support the claim? Not a single one. On the contrary, there is a wealth of evidence that shows the opposite. One single terrible example will suffice. Well before the bombing started, all foreign aid agencies in Afghanistan said that seven million Afghanis were completely dependent on external food aid, due to crop failure and war. Most of the aid coming into the country was coming from Pakistan. On 16th Sept. 2001 the New York Times reported that "Washington has also demanded [from Pakistan] a cutoff of fuel supplies […] and the elimination of truck convoys that provide much of the food and other supplies to Afghanistan's civilian population." The Pakistan government complied. On 27th Sept., the same NYT correspondent reported that officials in Pakistan "said today that they would not relent in their decision to seal off the country's 1,400- mile border with Afghanistan, a move requested by the Bush administration because, the officials said, they wanted to be sure that none of Mr. bin Laden's men were hiding among the huge tide of refugees". So Washington demanded that Pakistan consign massive numbers of Afghans, millions of men women and children, already on the brink of starvation, to a cruel death by famine. Foreign aid missions withdrew or were expelled under the threat of bombing. Huge numbers of people fled in terror, after Washington's threat to bomb, and even more when bombing started. If they even managed to reach the sealed borders, the refugees were trapped to die in silence. The few reports from aid workers of the suffering in camps across the borders have been harrowing in their descriptions of bereaved parents mourning their dead children and the utter deprivation. But we know that these are the lucky people who were able to escape before the borders were closed.

 

So, there is no evidence that the US government tries to avoid civilian casualties and on the other hand we know for sure that they have ordered the death by starvation of huge numbers of people. We can ask ourselves, then, why do people believe Tony Blair when he claims that `` We do all we can to limit civilian casualties.’’ (30th October 2002)?

 

(8/3/2002, International Women’s Day)


Bringing it back home

I went on the National Stop the War Demonstration in London last Saturday (2/3/2002) along with about 10,000 other people. Towards the end I got pretty chilled and felt weary from walking and standing about for so long. So Emma and I stopped into a coffee shop to have a warm drink and a sticky bun. It was lovely. But we were reminded that for those Afghan refugees who fled US/UK bombardment and murderous rampages by ``Northern Alliance’’ forces (or whatever Blair calls them now) there was and is no opportunity to get warm and have a hot drink on the snowy Afghan roads to the closed borders. We thought about what it must be like for a heavily pregnant woman to have to flee for her life, to set out into open countryside, mined and strewn with cluster bomblets, with no hope of food or sustenance or shelter for hundreds of miles. I know of at least one story, reported on the UNHCR website, that describes a woman arriving at a refugee camp in Iran having given birth to her baby in the mountains on the way. Her baby had died. And she was ``lucky’’: she made it to the camp. Every parent knows how worrying it is when their child is ill. What must it be like if your child has a raging temperature and you are forced to decide whether to stay at home and be bombed or try to carry the feverish little one in the winter weather to seek a safer place? In a refugee population of millions, the suffering is unimaginable. Mothers have had to drag their starving children out into the freezing night to begin the long walk. Fathers have had to abandon their dying children at the side of the road because they must keep going for the sake of those who may live. The word ``refugee’’ has become so debased that when we hear it we do not think of the suffering that lies behind it – the terror, the hunger, the homes abandoned, the children carried till they can be carried no longer, the old and disabled left behind to die.

On the UNHCR website it says that roughly 3 million more refugees have been created in Afghanistan by US/UK bombing and the blocking of aid. Robin Cook, in the process of trying to justify the bombing and invasion of Afghanistan, claimed that 4 million refugees were created by the Taliban so they were major criminals and therefore a legitimate target. Now, even supposing Cook’s claims were true, what would that make the UK government?

(8/3/2002, International Women’s Day)


What is the ``civilized world’’?

In a speech on 30th October 2001 Tony Blair referred to Saudi Arabia as ``a good and dependable friend to the civilized world.’’ The meaning of this is quite clear. Saudi Arabia, though a good friend, is not itself part of the civilized world. I wonder if Mr. Blair is as clear about this when selling arms to Saudi Arabia, the UK’s best customer. Is he not worried that selling weapons to an ``uncivilized’’ country mightn’t be a good idea? Or is he so enthusiastic about making the sale that such concerns don’t enter into the equation? In which case he might be a little nervous that those with whom he is doing business might take offence that he so explicitly excluded them from the civilized world.

 Many of us wish Mr Blair spoke only for himself but unfortunately we elected him, he represents us and, above all, he spends our taxes on bombs and missiles acting in accordance with these views of his. So, it is important for us to know what he means by this civilized world that Saudi Arabia is not a part of. I have produced a letter that can be sent to Mr. Blair or the Foreign Secretary asking them to tick the appropriate boxes (civilized/not civilized) for a selection of countries.

Of course this is all something of a joke and true measures of civilized behaviour or civilized values, by populations or by governments (and we should make the distinction), are difficult matters to decide upon. But some things we can all agree on. A civilized government would not inflict terrorism on defenceless people anywhere in the world. It would not bomb into utter destruction whole systems of civilian infrastructure nor lay siege to entire countries causing complete economic collapse, widespread poverty, disease and social disintegration. It would not pursue private profit by any means necessary, no matter what the cost in human lives. How does the UK measure up?

12/2/2002


Fake Media Objectivity

 

On Sunday 18th of November 2001 thousands of people marched through central London to protest against the war in Afghanistan. How many thousands? The newspapers and TV news reported that the police claimed that 15,000 people were there. Some reports only contained the police number but some news bulletins also contained the organisers’ estimate that 100,000 people came. The number of people who came on that protest march is of interest and importance. Why didn’t the journalists covering the march make their own estimate? It wouldn’t have been difficult. This was central London, not an equatorial rainforest on the other side of the world. Someone could have stood at the side of the road and counted. Why didn’t they? Wouldn’t that have been interesting?

This is a somewhat trivial example of a widespread technique in mainstream ``quality’’ media reporting that proclaims its own objectivity. We get the spurious ``balance’’ that comes from quoting one side and then quoting the other. (This is better than nothing. More often the media will repeat the claims of the establishment without attribution but assiduously attribute the most uncontroversial truisms to the ``opposition’’ to make them seem somehow in doubt e.g. ``An Iraqi government spokesperson said the US bomb attacks violated international law.’’ And this is to say nothing of the systematic pro-corporate, pro-business, pro-Western bias that is the most damaging bias of all. The all-pervasive, unstated assumption that US-UK Government policy is formulated with benevolent intent is the most serious perversion of truth that the media is guilty of. ``Balance’’ is not a virtue when it’s the balance between Nazi SS Officer and Jewish concentration camp prisoners, between bomber and bombed, between oppressor and oppressed.) But isn’t the business of journalists to discover and report the truth?

 

12/2/2002


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