What role did the Isle of Wight play in the early colonisation of America in the 17^th century?

In April 1607, three ships, the Susan Constant, the Godspeed and the Discovery arrived in Chesapeake Bay and the first English settlement was established at Jamestown. This event set in train an ever growing series of settlements that would lead to the development of the first English colony on the American continent and this, in turn, provoked a number of developments in the Isle of Wight, providing a number of merchants, tradesmen and artisans with wealth and employment and leading to the birth of the two towns of Cowes.

The True Description or Drafftee of that Famous Ile of Wight. Baptista Boazio. 1591.

It must be said from the start that most people on the Island had little connection with Virginia and played very little part in its evolution. The opportunities were confined to a few in Newport and the new 'towns' of Cowes. West Cowes developed very rapidly from a very small collection of dwellings around 1620 into a sizeable town by the 1630's. East Cowes developed from a "storehouse" in 1611 into a small but compact trading port, consisting of a number of wharves, quays, warehouses and a small ship-building premises, all centred around present day Castle Street. From these two ports, a small number of Islanders were able to benefit from the ever increasing number of Virginia Company ships on both outward and inward voyages. Indeed they may even have capitalised on the desparate situation in Virginia in the early days, being in a position to provide the settlers and outward-bound ships with much needed supplies. However, this opportunity had everything to do with geography and advances in navigation.

With the demise of Southampton as a terminal port of destination, and the pre-dominance of London as a port, the Solent became a useful and effective transit anchorage. In the early 17^th century, advances in navigational aids in the Thames estuary, such as proper beacons, seamarks and lights and more efficient pilotage, thanks to Trinity House, meant that the dreaded and treacherous navigation through the Straits of Dover and up the Thames estuary, which had been feared and avoided by medieval ships if possible, became much less of a danger. The master of ships wre now regularly prepared to make London their destination. The cloth trade with Antwerp, the main target for English shipping , declined towards the end of the 16^th century and the opening of new markets for new commodities as well as cloth in the Far East and the New World meant an increased use of the English Channel by English shipping and also the Dutch.

The ending of the war between the United Provinces and Spain and the commercial and colonial dominance of the Dutch in the Far East also meant a huge increase in Dutch convoys using the English Channel for outward and inward trading voyages. And Dutch ships also seemed to favour the Solent anchorage for shelter and supplies.

And so in the 1620's, the two towns of East and West Cowes grew into significant ports, which, if unknown to most English people, tied as they were to the land, then certainly well-known by many English seamen, as well as Dutch and French mariners.

And it was the twin towns of the Cowes that benefitted from the commercial expansion of both England and Holland overseas. Possibly it was the location of the Isle of Wight on the sea-route to Virginia that encouraged Sir Richard Worsley of Appuldercombe and Robert Newland, merchant of Newport, to become involved in establishing a plantation in Virginia.

Certainly, Robert Newland was involved in organising and supplying the first shipment of settlers authorised by the particular patent issued to Worsley, Newland and their associates. This first venture was led by Captain Christopher Lawne and his settlement became known as "Lawne's Plantation". Newland had been crucial in this venture.

Sr
This man (Mr. Newland) an honest sufficient & a moste indeuoring man for Virginia is he that cann & will searue you for victualling or maning or any other imployment to further ye plantacon, he is so well reported of, & his late indeuors for Capt: Lawne (who had ells sunck) hath approoued him a uentrous charitable marchant; ; his trade, necessaries for shipping & keepeing his men togeather, hath beene well approoued by Plimouth & other Countries wch doe imploy him: he will preuent our Runnagates & victuall cheaper then Londoners, & surely God blesseth him for loueing our action. I humbly desire you & mr ffarrar (in your absence) to take notice herof, I comend him wth my loue and seruice to you & am euer your moste loueing frend & seruant
GABRL BARBOR
Newport. 11th August 1619.
(16 August 1619. Letter from Gabriel Barbor to Sir Edwin Sandys, Treasurer of the Virginia Company. Ferrar Papers, Cambridge University)

The five shares of land graunted to m^r Newland as a free gift of the Comp: in reward of his extraordinary paines taken in their service in taking care of Shipping their people in the Abigaile at the Isle of Wight being now put to y^e question was confirmed upon condicon that he sell them not awaye.
(Generall Quarter Court, 2 May 1621)

Concerninge ye Scarcitie of Corne in Owr Island, your Lord^pp wase misinformed and If I Conceve not amis (Pardon my error) I thinke it Came from ye Towne of Nwport, whose Bakors Cawseth this Clamor to be raysed that only they maye bwye ye Countryes Corne, and so export in Biskett 400 or 500 quartors a yere, I have Imployed my best Indeavors to finde what Quantitie of Corne is in ye Island, And trwly If Newport Bakors send it not awaye in Biskett, There is Suffitient and Spare, Thus havinge performed all your Honnors Commandes, hopinge wee shal have ye hapines to see you in ye Island this Sommer I rest
your Lord^pps Humble servant
John Oglander.
(Letter from Sir J. Oglander to Jerome, Lord Portland, at his house in Westminster. OG/16/93)

"It is ye best pollicie for ye Gentlemen of ye Island strongelie to mayntayne ye now growinge birth of ye Cowes. Ffyrst in respect itt will be Owre best markett to vent all owre Commodities, and there we may sell them at ye fyrst hand without beinge beholdinge to a Nupor (sic) factor. Next when Shee is Come to a full byrth She may Serve to Cheke her sistor Nuport, whoe although poore (it swelleth with pryde) and woolde fayne be Midwyfe to make this birth of Cowes abortive.
(c.1622. OGLANDER MSS. OG/90/1. Commonplace & Account Book of Sir John Oglander. 1 March 1620/21 - 7 Jan. 1623/24.)

Nuport in the Ile of Wight this 27 of Juen 1622.

S^r.
Yuoers of the 18 of this instant I Recaud and you say that Capten Barwik had order to opene the Chest vher the shirtes is but thoues Chist ar stod in the ship and ar not to be Com by Some of youer pepell hath gon a month in a shirt so that of nesitie they most haue Chaing I do for you as for my sell nothing but what Nesistie is done the fordrence paseger hath ben 2 times at the Coues to goe abord but the wind is Come to the wastward a gaine so now that be hear at Nuport and Capten Barwike will not leat his pepell Remane a bord befor the wind is faier.

S^r I hope wee shall haue as good a ship as the weast land of england afordes of hir bordn wich will be a bout 150 tones and wee shall bee in the way to do you sarues and for the Boyes yopu wright of doth goe wee shall be willing and Redy to do what wee may I hope this ship will be Redy to sa[blank] by the last of Agust or a wike in Septeber for she will be lanch god willing by the 14 of Agust or be for and all ouer prouision goe on to gether in prouding mast wich ar all Redy all Redy and saills and Cask and brid will allso be Redy.

I pray do the best for youes you may for this pasger and wee will be Redy to Requit it god willing I charg you with a nother bill of exchang for 20^li to be paid vnyo on M^r Prise in flitstrit I pray mak him good pament this pasger poote you to grat Chares and ar her long wind bond but at the good plesuer of the allmitie god they shall haue a faier wind I Requestid Ernistly that m^r Hakat wold send douen a modell of the armes of Vergena that wee haue thim Co[blank] faier for the strane of ouer nue ship I pray spak to him to send it I wold wright to him but I kno not wher he dvll and thus I leave you and youer a faires to the protickcon of all mytie god. Youer frind at Comand
Robert Newland.
(Robert Newland. A Letter to Nicholas Ferrar. 27th June 1622. Ferrar Papers, Cambridge University)

From the Isle of Waight this 4th of May 1623.
Loveing mother my humble dutie vnto you remembred, desireing your dailie praters to God for me. My last letter I hope you haue long since receiued, wherein I writt you of my intended voyage for Virginia, that hopefull, and happie soile: for wch voyage this day being the 4th of Maye and the Sabboth day wee haueing the wynd faire (that messenger of God) haue dispensed with the Saboth and hoised vp saile this daye and sailed some part of our Journeye, But you may now please to vnderstand, that my honest Carefull, and loveing Maister John Hart my first, and onelie best maister, hath wrought for me better hopes then formerlie I writ you of for my preferment, wch is that by his liberall Comendacon of me, and earnest Intreatie for me, As also that good likeing wch that hopefull and religious Gentleman Mr Gabriell Barbor marchant of London, and a man of great Estate, hath entertayned of me, haueing had some Conference with him, Concerninge my parte and abilitye of performance in his hopefull Imploymente, hath verie willinglie entertayned me, and taken me bound vnto him for some yeares, to make me a ffreeman of London And hath set forwarde provideing me of all necessaryes for our intended voyage, wch is in a good ship named the Bonnie Besse, built at the Cowes in the Isle of Wight being a new ship of fourescore and ten Tunnes, or thereabout, full fraught with all kind of prouision for 2 yeares, as also with 45 brave gallant Gentlemen, and some of them their Wyues, and Children with them richlie set forwarde for to plant in Virginia. (...) But now to retourne vn to a relacon of what wee intend, it wilbe tedious, yet thus much in short. Wee are first to land our Passengers and their goods in Virginia wch done wee are to proceed vpon the discouerie of that famous river named Hudsons river, first found out by him, yet never was he further then in the mouth thereof, wher hath beene had rich Trade for Beaver skins, pearles, and dyamonde and manie other rich Comodityes, And indeed wch river by the probable Conjecture of manie and learned Navigators is the verie passage Called the Northwest Passage so often sought after by the Northerne Seas, yet never found , wch Wee are by Comission from rthe Lord of Southampton Governour of the Companie and other the Learned Councell, and diuers great lorde to discouer the verie topp and head of that River, and if wee ther find anie straungers as Hollanders or other wch is thought this yeare doe Adventure there, we are to giue them fight, and spoile, and sincke them downe into the Sea, wch to doe, Wee are well prouided with a lustie ship stout seamen, and great Ordnance I pray God prosper us therein, and I hope we shall returne with rich loadeinge, a famous discouerie, and much Credit euerie Way. Wch our retourne wilbe I hope about 2 yeares hence, if not sooner,...
yo^reuer obedient sonne
Anthonie Hilton.
(P.R.O. Manchester Papers, No.364.)

This ship made regular voyages across the Atlantic to Virginia and back, carrying out supplies and returning with cargoes of tobacco and reports and letters for the Virginia Company in London from the Governor and his Council in Jamestown. This shipbuilding activity attracted shipwrights to East Cowes and it also created a demand for shipbuilding supplies, some of which was satisfied by local merchants.

A typical small English ship of the early seventeenth century, of the type used on the Virginia route. Etching by Wenceslaus Hollar from the title-page to J. Ussher, Annales, London 1654.

In the 1620's, Cowes became a favoured embarkation point for supplies and settlers bound for Virginia. This avoided the expense in supplies of feeding a ship load of settlers on the stage from London round to the Island. By embarking the main supplies for the Atlantic voyage and the settlers at Cowes, it avoided the problem of the added cost of feeding a ship's complement of seetlers should the ship be delayed at the Downs, which often happened for days or weeks at a time waiting for a fair wind or tide. The West country ports were too far from London to be practical, whereas the Solent, and more notably Cowes, provided the nearest convenient point for embarking supplies and settlers from London, the Midlands and the Eastern counties. A typical arrangement consisted of the settlers making their way to Cowes, where appropriate supplies had also been collected. A contract was drawn up with the master of a ship, which was then chartered to sail round from London to Cowes to pick them up and then sail a well-known route across the Atlantic to the Bermuda Islands and then to head up the East coast towards Chesapeake Bay. This system is clearly set out in a contract made with William Ewens, master of the ship, the George in 1621.

It would seem that settlers, whether delayed or waiting for an outward bound ship for Virginia, stayed in lodgings in West Cowes, or more usually in Newport. During the Middle Ages, the latter had a history of victualling ships and providing lodging for mariners on journeys to the Continent and continued to do so during the early years of the growth of Cowes. In 1622, Robert Newland reported that the passengers from Captain Barwick's ship were waiting for a fair wind and were lodged at Newport, only venturing to Cowes in the hope of boarding their ship for Virginia. (See Newland's letter, 27 June 1622) In 1621, five couples, mainly from London, were married in Newport while their ship was waiting for a fair wind.

Five couples being married...
Henry Bushell and Alice Crocker
Christopher Craddock and Alice Cook
Edward Marshall and Marye Mitchell
Walter Beare and Anne Green
Robert Gullafer and Joan Pie
all w^ch last fyve coupple were for Virgenia.
(1621 Feb. 12. Newport Parish Register. NPT/REG/COM/2 1541 - 1624. Microfilm No. 11)

It is clear that, in general, Islanders took very little part in the settlement of Virginia. A few Island people did go out there, but generally there is very little evidence showing any interest in emigration to Virginia on the part of Islanders. A number of issues do require further analysis. How far Islanders exploited the desparate need of settlers in Virginia for supplies is a matter for further research and discussion. But what is clear is that more investigation is needed into how much small tradesmen benefitted from supplying the Virginia ships directly or through the agency of middle-men like Robert Newland. Where other substantial merchants like Stephen March of Newport or Mann of Osborne involved and to what extent? But more worrying is how far did Islanders capitalise on the misery of the settlers in Virginia and how much did they secretly wish for disaster in the infant colony, if it meant an increased demand for their goods? Any ideas will be gratefully received.